Acar Vastardis, Özge. "Intellectuals and Intellectual Production as Part of Local Cultures." CHS Research Bulletin 14 (2026). https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HLNC.ESSAY:107406233.
Early Career Fellow in Hellenic Studies 2025–26
Introduction
What follows is a summary of the research I carried out during my time as a CHS Early Career Fellow in Hellenic Studies, 2025–26. My project looks at the cities of Roman Caria, a region whose rich tapestry of cultures makes it an ideal case study for exploring local identities. While ancient authors like Aelius Aristides (Or. 26.97) give the impression of a culturally unified Roman world, [1] Caria is one of the many regions that tells a different story. Roman world was far from being unified to begin with, and ‘local’ continued to matter even under Roman rule. Cities kept investing in their own histories, customs, and traditions rather than completely dissolving into a broader imperial culture. Drawing on a wide range of literary and epigraphic sources, my research simply asks what ‘local’ meant, and how it was communicated to the ‘other’ in broad terms. The case studies and observations below summarize the main ideas that came out of this work.
Production, Circulation, Recognition
Intellectuals (pepaideumenoi) stand out among the groups that engaged most closely with local material. Through their writings and public performances, they turned pieces of their local environment, history, and tradition into knowledge, not simply recording them, but observing, questioning, and reworking them in the process.
Literary figures such as writers, poets, lecturers, rhetors, and mythographers transformed local material into knowledge. Their method combined observation, the gathering of information, and a critical eye on their surroundings. Take Alexander of Myndos (FGrH 25) as an example. A first-century CE polymath, he wrote on dreams, myths, geography, animals, and marvels, but was especially known for his zoological work, titled either Περὶ Ζῴων or Κτηνῶν Ἱστορία. What makes his writings interesting is that they sometimes draw directly on Caria’s natural environment. [2] A well-known example concerns the traditional belief that swans sing shortly before they die. Yet, having watched many dying swans closely, Alexander reported that he had never heard such a song (Athen. 9.393d). His conclusion probably reflects the behaviour of Caria’s local swan population: the mute swan, unlike the whooper swan, does not produce the “death song”, and was likely the common species in the region. [3] In this way, Alexander introduced a geographically specific observation into a broader zoological debate.
Apollonios of Aphrodisias (FGrH 740), a priest and historian who probably lived in the late second or early third century CE, produced an extensive work on Carian matters (Καρικά). [4] He seems to have written at least eighteen books, covering numerous cities, towns, and islands across the region. His work went beyond general descriptions of places; it involved meticulous research into local histories and traditions. He recorded changes in place names (e.g. Kyon, later Kanebion; Chrysaoris, later Idrias), as well as the foundation myths of cities such as Bargasa, Euromos, Hydissos, and Chrysaoris. Through this collection of historical and mythological material, Apollonios brought these diverse local traditions into a body of regional knowledge.
Local knowledge did not remain anchored to the communities that produced it. It could travel, and become part of broader contexts. The later reception of Alexander of Myndos proves this well: his work was cited repeatedly by Athenaeus, Plutarch, and Aelian. [5] Apollonios’ work on Caria had a similar afterlife: it became one of the key sources for Stephanos of Byzantion, who cites it in over ten entries. [6]
This circulation, however, did not depend on texts and citations alone. Itinerant intellectuals, such as poets, rhetors, lecturers carried local traditions from city to city in person, and through oral performances, brought local knowledge to a wider audience, often making it more memorable than the written word. Tiberius Claudius Anteros of Mylasa, for example, was a skilled grammarian, who engaged with local history (ἐπιχωρίων ἱστοριῶν). [7] He addressed not only his fellow citizens, but also foreign visitors, who came to Mylasa specifically to listen to his lectures; he found audiences in every city he visited; and he taught the young people of his own city as well. His local history, in other words, was disseminated through public performance and personal interaction.
All the things we know about Anteros we owe to an inscription that honors him precisely for these activities. The text also makes clear why such activities mattered to his community: Anteros is honored because through his local history, he “made the greatness of his fatherland known to the Greeks, so that it became even more admirable.” His ability to communicate Mylasa’s past with rhetorical and literary skill (as a grammatikos, he surely had a strong command of language) transformed local knowledge into local prestige. By carrying Mylasa’s glorious past beyond its borders, Anteros increased the city’s visibility and reputation.
From Locality to Identity: “This Is How We Do Here in Halikarnassos”
In the first half of the second century CE, the city of Halikarnassos honored a poet from Aphrodisias named Gaius Iulius Longianos (I. Aphrodisias 12.27.ii). [8] The Halikarnassians appreciated this itinerant poet’s literary skills, and were so impressed by his ability to hold the attention of both young and old audiences, that in the decree they stated that one of his bronze statues should stand beside that of Herodotos in the gymnasium. The reason Longianos was so warmly embraced in a city that was not even close to Aphrodisias, let alone neighboring it, was most likely that his recitations (akroaseis) contained elements familiar to his audience. The fact that the decree refers to Aphrodisias as a syngenes city suggests this may be linked to figures shared between the two cities’ foundation myths, such as Bellerophon. These are old practices: myths inspiring poets, and certain myths serving as a language of communication and diplomacy between communities. To see just how old, one need only turn to a few pages of Homer.
The language the Halikarnassians used in stating that a copy of this decree would also be sent to Aphrodisias, however, shows that such an honor was not simply about Longianos himself: “[so that] they, too, will learn our character [τὸ ἡμέτερον ἦθος], with which we continue to treat all the educated men [τοῖς πεπαιδευμένοις] in the same way”. [9] Three things stand out in this statement. First, this elaborate set of honors is not an exceptional response to an extraordinary poet, but an expression of a local character. Second, the verb διατελοῦμεν signals the continuity of this character over time. Third, it clearly matters that “others” know about this tradition: it is not only about acting in a certain way, but being recognized for it matters too. Read this way, the inscription can be understood as Halikarnassos’ own manifesto of “this is how we do things here”.
A visitor walking through the city around the time this resolution was passed, would probably have noticed the renovation and expansion work underway at the famous Hellenistic complex known as the Salmakis Fountain, one of the buildings Vitruvius (2.811–812) considered most important in the city. [10] During these works, some of the rooms were decorated with mosaic floors. One of Halikarnassos’ best-known inscriptions, “the Pride of Halikarnassos”, was found in one of these very rooms. [11]
This poem, whose author remains unknown, is one of the finest expressons of the city’s own sense of identity. At the beginning of the text, the author tells us that Halikarnassos has a sanctuary of Zeus Akraios, who was said to have been born in Halikarnassos. [12] Drawing on the city’s foundation myths, the poem describes Zeus rewarding Halikarnassos with remarkable gifts in return, and shortly after, the reader finds a catalogue of authors born or raised in the city. The list opens in the fifth century BCE with Halikarnassos’ most famous author, Herodotos, here called the “Homer of history in prose”. He is followed by another Halikarnassian historian, Andron. Next come the epic poet Panyassis and Kyprias; Menestheus, probably a comic playwright; Theaitetos, a poet contemporary with Kallimakhos; the comic playwright Dionysios; the tragedians Zenodotos and Phanostratos (the latter was also honored with a statue on the Athenian Acropolis [13] ); and finally Nossos and Timokrates, who close the list.
This list of names spanning from the fifth century BCE to perhaps as late as the second century BCE, shows that the writers, poets, and historians named here were not simply a group of local celebrities. They were woven into the city’s own origin story and treated as part of its local identity. For Halikarnassos, intellectual achievement was a source of civic pride, and the city continued to celebrate new generations of intellectuals, showing that this tradition remained an important part of its identity.
From this perspective, the honors for Longianos become easier to understand. The decree does not represent a single event, but rather the continuation of a civic tradition that had existed for centuries. By erecting his statues in the gymnasium and placing his books in the libraries alongside those of earlier authors, the city connected Longianos with an existing intellectual tradition. These spaces were central to education and civic memory, suggesting that Halikarnassos saw its local intellectual heritage as something to be preserved, displayed, and passed on to future generations. The fact that in the second century CE, the city continued to shape its identity by linking contemporary intellectuals with the famous figures of its past, shows that local traditions remained meaningful by adapting to the changing dynamics of the new world.
Bibliography
Annalisa, P. 2010. “Apollonios of Aphrodisias (740).” Brill’s New Jacoby, Part III, ed. I. Worthington. Leiden. Jacoby Online. https://doi.org/10.1163/1873-5363_bnj_a740
Arıkan, K., S. L. Turan, and M. Karakaya. 2022. “Population status and distribution of three swan species (Cygnus sp.) in Turkey.” Tabiat ve İnsan, 1(190): 24–30.
Arnott, W. G. 1987. “In praise of Alexander of Myndos.” In Laurea corona: studies in honour of Edward Coleiro, ed. A. Bonanno, 23–29. Amsterdam.
Bremmer, J. N. 2009. “Zeus’ Own Country: Cult and Myth in the Pride of Halicarnassus.” In Antike Mythen: Medien, Transformationen und Konstruktionen, ed. C. Walde and U. Dill, 292–312. Berlin.
Bremmer, J. N. 2013. “Local Mythography: the Pride of Halicarnassus.” In Writing Myth, Mythography in the Ancient World, ed. S. M. Trzaskoma and R. S. Smith, 55–74. Leuven, Paris, Walpole.
Chaniotis, A. 2003. “Vom Erlebnis zum Mythos: Identitatkonstruktionen im Kaiserzeitlichen Aphrodisias.” AMS 50: 69–83.
Isager, S. 1998. “The Pride of Halikarnassos: Editio princeps of an inscription from Salmakis.” ZPE 123: 1–23.
Poulsen, B. 2015. “The Mosaics of the Salmakis Fountain in Halikarnassos.” In XII Colloquio AIEMA, Venezia, 11–15 settembre 2012, Scripta Edizioni, ed. G. Trovabene (with A. Bertoni), 367–372. Verona.
Roueché, C. 1993. Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias. London.
Whitmarsh, T. 2010. “Thinking Local.” In Local Knowledge and Microidentities in the Imperial Greek World, ed. T. Whitmarsh, 1–16. Cambridge.
Footnotes
[ back ] 1. See Whitmarsh 2010.
[ back ] 2. Observation is one of the three methodologies of Alexander, as previously discussed by Arnott 1987.
[ back ] 3. Arıkan et al. 2022.
[ back ] 4. The date of Apollonios is uncertain. While sometimes placed in the third century BCE (Annalisa 2010), Chaniotis has plausibly identified him with Tiberius Claudius Apollonios Aurelianos, high priest of the imperial cult and priest of Dionysos, attested in a late second or early third century CE inscription (Chaniotis 2003, 80; MAMA VIII, 454)
[ back ] 5. See for example Ael. NA 3.23, 4.33, 5.27, 10.34.
[ back ] 6. Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Ἀρκόνησος, Βάργασα, Εὔρωμος, Κουρόπολις, Κύαρδα, Κύον, Λάγινα, Νάκρασος, Ὑδισσός, Ὑλλούαλα, Χρυσαορίς, Χωλὸν τεῖχος, also, Ἄγκυρα, Τάβαι, Ὕδη.
[ back ] 7. Labraunda III, no. 66, l.23.
[ back ] 8. The inscription belongs to an epigraphic dossier (I. Aphrodisias 12.27) found on a block that most likely once formed part of Longianus’ funerary monument, now built into the wall of the Stadium at Aphrodisias. See Roueché 1993, no. 88.
[ back ] 9. Ll.23-26.
[ back ] 10. Poulsen 2015, 369–371.
[ back ] 11. Isager 1998.
[ back ] 12. Bremmer 2013, 58–62. See also Bremmer 2009, 294ff.
[ back ] 13. Isager 1998, 18.