My stay at the Center for Hellenic Studies aimed at the completion of a new collection of inscriptions with full linguistic and historical commentary for the Paradeigmata collection (Nancy, Guy Vottéro dir.). This volume, the sixth in the series, fascicle fourth, provides a comprehensive exploration of the Doric-speaking islands of the southern Aegean, excluding Crete, already covered in a separate volume. It integrates epigraphic, historical, and linguistic analyses, focusing on major centers such as Rhodes and its Peraea, Cos, and Thera, alongside lesser-studied islands like Melos, Astypalaia, Anaphe, Nisyros, Telos, Megiste, Karpathos, and Kasos. These smaller islands, often overlooked in broader historical narratives, are given due attention. The volume includes approximately 80 inscriptions, spanning the 8th century BCE to the 3rd century CE, each accompanied by translations and detailed commentary. These inscriptions are analyzed for their archaeological context, linguistic features (phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexicon), and historical significance, with a particular focus on dialectal variations, local alphabets, and the persistence of Dorian identity amid Athenian, Hellenistic, and Roman influences.
The Paradeigmata Project
The Paradeigmata project seeks to compile a modern corpus of Greek dialect inscriptions for linguists, philologists, archaeologists and historians. It builds on earlier collections, such as the Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften (SGDI), which, while foundational, is now partially outdated. The project was initiated in 1987 by W. Blümel during the first international meeting on Greek dialectology, aiming to create a comprehensive corpus. However, challenges—methodological, technical (notably typographical), institutional, and editorial—prompted a shift in 1992 under Claude Brixhe’s leadership. Inspired by E. Schwyzer’s Dialectorum graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora , the project adopted a new format: a series of thematic monographs. The title Paradeigmata (“examples”) reflects this approach, as it prioritizes curated, representative selections of dialect inscriptions organized by region or dialect over exhaustive coverage.
Relaunched in 2011 as independent fascicles, the project adopted a more flexible editorial model. Each volume, entrusted to a regional specialist, begins with an overview of the dialect’s historical, geographical, and linguistic context, followed by a selection of inscriptions with translations, commentary, maps, and indexes. The series includes published volumes on Mycenaean (Y. Duhoux), Euboea (M. L. del Barrio Vega), Crete (M. Bile), and the Argolid (E. Nieto Izquierdo). [1]
Paradeigmata VI.4: The Doric Islands of the Aegean Sea
This volume is divided into two main parts, preceded by a general introduction that outlines the geographical and historical context of the southern Aegean Doric islands and their epigraphic landscape and highlights the dialectal and orthographic diversity of the inscriptions, including the use of epichoric alphabets and distinctive phonological and morphological features.
The introduction is followed by the main part of the volume, where are presented approximately 80 inscriptions from Rhodes, Cos, Thera, and smaller islands such as Nisyros, Melos, Astypalaia, Karpathos, Kasos, Telos, and Megiste (modern Kastellorizo). Spanning the 8th century BCE to the 3rd century CE, these inscriptions are arranged chronologically, with each entry including the Greek text, a French translation, detailed commentary, and notes on dialectal features (phonetics, morphology, syntax, and lexicon). This corpus is followed by the analytical tools of the volume: thematic indexes (e.g., names, epigraphic formulas, cults), linguistic glossaries, and maps, all designed to facilitate navigation and comparative analysis of dialectal phenomena across the corpus.
During a research residency at the Center for Hellenic Studies in Washington, significant work was done on the editorial and interpretive aspects of the inscriptions. This included philological revisions of the Greek texts, preparation of new translations, and composition of historical and linguistic commentaries, with a focus on inscriptions from lesser-studied islands like Astypalaia, Kasos, Telos, Karpathos, and Megiste. The residency also enabled the development of thematic and comparative studies in topics such as civic integration in the Rhodian state, the role of women in cult foundations, and the interplay between private and public religion in small insular communities. Additionally, it allowed for refinements to the volume’s structure, including the layout of commentary sections and the design of linguistic appendices.
Figure 1. Map of the Aegean Sea indicating the Doric islands included in the volume
The Selected Inscriptions and Entries
The epigraphic corpus comprises approximately 80 inscriptions organized into roughly 70 entries, presented in chronological order, with some entries containing more than one inscription. Of these, 22 entries feature texts in local alphabets, while 51 use the Milesian alphabet (post-400 BCE). The remaining texts, from the Hellenistic to the late Roman period, retain detectable dialectal features. Geographically, the entries are distributed as follows:
The corpus includes 24 votive inscriptions, sacred norms, and ritual calendars—the most prevalent text types in the region—followed by 16 proxeny decrees, 10 funerary texts, and a variety of other inscriptions, including milestones, property records, honorific statues, graffiti, competition prizes, testaments, prohibitions, decisions, acclamations, and a narrative text.
Each entry follows a consistent format, beginning with a heading that includes a sequential number, the acronym ÉGÉE (from French Égée , “Aegean”) (e.g., ÉGÉE.01, ÉGÉE.02), the location of the inscription, and a brief title summarizing its content. For example:
ÉGÉE.31. Théra. Borne et règlement sacré du sanctuaire de la Mère des Dieux .
This is followed by a descriptive introduction detailing the object’s dimensions, proposed date (based on palaeographic and/or historical evidence), state of preservation, and documentation (e.g., autopsy, photographs, ectypa , or whether the inscription is lost or unverified). A curated list of previous editions and re-editions is included, in which we prioritize those that significantly contribute to the text’s understanding or scholarly discussion.
The core of each entry presents the edited text, accompanied by comprehensive epigraphic notes and a French translation. Where available, a photograph or drawing of the inscription is included. The commentary section is divided into historical and linguistic parts, the latter supporting the grammatical index. Each entry concludes with discursive notes, typically addressing linguistic issues in greater depth.
To exemplify the methodological approach adopted throughout the volume, a case study from the island of Thera is included in the following paragraphs. This study focuses on a cluster of early inscriptions found within a unique cultic structure and serves as a representative example of how the volume combines epigraphic analysis, linguistic observation, and historical interpretation. Through this case, readers are introduced to the kind of detailed commentary and contextual inquiry that characterizes the entire corpus.
ÉGÉE.02. Théra. Noms de divinités
Among the earliest inscriptions in the corpus are some graffiti inscribed on rocks within an archaic three-walled polygonal structure (n. 1 of our fig. 2), dated to the late 8th century BCE, likely coinciding with Thera’s colonization by Sparta. [3] These inscriptions, written in the early local alphabet, include divine names and are cataloged as entry no. 2 in our corpus, for which we have chosen five different texts:
IG XII 3, 351 (= re-examined by Inglese 2008:343; ≈ IG XII 3, 352 et 353)
IG XII 3, 354 (re-examined by Inglese 2008:141; = IG XII 3, 355)
(b) Ϙōρε̄́ς
Koures
IG XII 3, 356 and suppl . 1307 (re-examined by Inglese 2008:145)
(c) Ἀπόλ(λ)ōν
Apollo
IG XII 3, 359 (re-examined by Inglese 2008:157)
(d) Διόσϙōροι (Inglese Διόσ[ϙ]ο̣̄ροι̣)
Dioskouroi
IG XII 3, 360 (Guarducci 1967:350.3; not rediscovered by Inglese 2008:160)
(e) Κhίρōν
Chiron
Analysis of the alphabet reveals these inscriptions as the earliest in the site. [5] Notable features include the use of <E> for /εː/ (e.g., Ϙōρε̄́ς), <O> for /ɔː/ (e.g., Ἀπόλ(λ)ōν), and <H> exclusively for initial /h/ or in combinations like <KH> (/kh/) and <ΠΗ> (/ph/) (e.g., Κhίρōν). [6] Later inscriptions further east on the site, slightly postdating these, use <H> for /εː/ and <ʘ> for /ɔː/, [7] while those further south, mostly Hellenistic, show further evolution. [8]
The deities inscribed within the structure—two instances of Zeus, two Kouretes (west), the Dioskouroi, and Apollo (center)—reflect connections to Crete and Sparta. Zeus and the Kouretes evoke the Cretan myth of Zeus hidden on Mount Ida, protected by the Kouretes, whose noisy dances shielded him from Cronos. This Cretan Zeus in Thera’s highlands has puzzled scholars, with some, like Hiller, proposing that Koures refers to a youthful god or child deity alongside Zeus, akin to Kore with Demeter or Pais with the Kabiros. [9] However, the derivation of -ής, -ῆτος from kouros (“young boy”) lacks support, as does the absence of such a divine pairing elsewhere in Greek sources. Similarly, interpretations of Koures as a shortened form of Kourotrophos (an epithet of Zeus [10] or Apollo [11] ) or as a “youthful” epithet lack epigraphic or literary evidence.
Despite initial skepticism about a Cretan connection, archaeological evidence supports cultural ties between Thera and Crete. Excavations have uncovered a Cycladic civilization on Thera with strong Minoan influence, and early archaic Theran elites included individuals of Cretan origin. [12] The Theran epichoric alphabet also closely resembles that from Crete and probably comes from there. [13] Thus, Zeus and the Kouretes can be seen as ancestral or patroioi deities brought from Crete to Thera, evidenced by a 6th-century BCE ship drawing near a Zeus inscription further east in the structure. [14]
Apollo, likely Karneios , [15] and the Dioskouroi, central to the structure and surrounded by Zeus and Kouretes, point to Spartan influence, where these deities were central: [16] The Dioskouroi, twin sons of Zeus and Leda, were patrons of young warriors. They symbolize bravery, loyalty, and Spartan royal lineage through their sister Helen. Their cult, often linked to armed dances, parallels the Kouretes’ martial and pedagogical roles. Apollo Karneios , tied to fertility and the harvest, was central to the Karneia festival, a key Spartan event reinforcing social cohesion and Dorian identity. The dokanon symbol, representing the Dioskouroi in Sparta, appears near a Zeus inscription on the structure’s outer edge. [17] Evidence of the Karneia in archaic Thera is found in inscriptions like IG XII 3 Suppl . 1324 (n° 17 of our Paradeigmata corpus). Chiron, the Thessalian centaur linked to the education of ephebes, may have been introduced to Laconia by the Minyans, who, alongside Spartans, participated in Thera’s colonization. [18] Chiron is the ancestor of Euphemos, a Minyan Argonaut tied to Thera’s foundation, as was Battos, Cyrene’s Theran founder, whose mother was Cretan. [19]
This three-walled polygonal structure forms an enigmatic cultic space, established in the late archaic period to preserve the already inscribed rocks within and isolate them from external inscriptions, which underlines the importance that Theraeans gave to these stones. [20] Inscriptions inside or immediately outside the western wall of the structure (e.g., Hermes and the Erinyes) are in the nominative and often accompanied by niches, which suggests the symbolic or physical presence of deities as betyls or cultic seats (thronoi); meanwhile, external inscriptions, typically later and in the genitive, are associated with altars, indicating distinct ritual functions: divine residences within and offering sites at the periphery. It is also worth noticing that the deities within and near the structure were the gods brought by Therans to Cyrene in the colonization of the region: Apollo Karneios , who comes from the Spartan colonization of Thera, [21] the Koures (often called Kretikos , “Cretan” in Cyrene), [22] and Zeus. Moreover, the Cyrenaean association of the Koures with the Eumenides (benevolent Erinyes), Zeus (Meilichios), and the Nymphs aligns with the Theran pantheon, [23] but reconfigured in a Cyrenean context [24] .
Our conclusion is that this open-air sanctuary serves as a lieu de mémoire that preserves the patroioi gods of Thera, originating from Laconia and Crete, who played also a role in Cyrene’s foundation. The nominative divine names invoke the deities’ presence, compensating for the absence of images or statues. The names, equivalent to icons, fulfill an immediate cultic function, neither narrative nor administrative. The repetition of names like Zeus and Koures is ritually significant and not redundant. The rocks themselves, as tangible symbols, helped define and visualize shared cultic spaces and practices during the early formation of the polis .
⁂
This article has presented the structure and aims of the volume VI.4 of the Paradeigmata collection, dedicated to the Doric-speaking islands of the southern Aegean (except Crete). After outlining the general scope and editorial principles of the Paradeigmata series, it described the contents of the volume: a curated corpus of ca . 80 inscriptions, organized chronologically and geographically, and accompanied by philological, historical, and linguistic commentary. Special attention was given to inscriptions from lesser-known islands, including those written in local alphabets. As an illustration of the volume’s approach, a case study from Thera was briefly introduced, where we highlighted the potential of early epigraphic material to shed light on cultic practices and dialectal features. The volume will be out in the end of 2026/beginning of 2027.
Bibliography
Bechtel, F. 1923. Die griechischen Dialekte . II: Die westgriechischen Dialekte . Berlin.
Bile, M. 1988. Le dialecte crétois ancien. Étude de la langue des inscriptions. Recueil des inscriptions postérieures aux IC. Paris.
Cook, A.B. 1914. Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion I. Cambridge.
Dobias-Lalou, C. 1995/6. “Sur quelques anthroponymes de Théra et de Cyrénaïque.” Verbum 18:265–270.
———. 2000. Le dialecte des inscriptions grecques de Cyrène . Paris.
Domínguez Casado, R. 2014. El dialecto de Tera. Gramática y estudio dialectal . Madrid.
Graf, F. 1979. “Apollon Delphinios.” Museum Helveticum 36:2–22.
Guarducci, M. 1967. Epigrafia Greca I. Caratteri e storia delladisciplina. La scrittura greca dalle origini all’ età imperiale . Roma.
Hiller von Gaertringen, F. 1899. Thera. Untersuchungen, Vermessungen una Ausgrabungen in den Jahren 1895-1898 . Berlin.
Inglese, A. 2008. Thera Arcaica. Le iscrizioni rupestri dell’agora degli dei . Tivoli.
Jeffery, L.H. 1990. The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece (2nd edition). Oxford-New York.
Koiv, M. 2003. Ancient Tradition and Early Greek History. The Origins of Statesin Early-Archaic Sparta, Argos and Corinth . Tallinn.
Maass, E. 1890. “Kallimachos und Kyrene.” Hermes 25/3:400–411.
Malkin, I. 1993. “Colonisation spartiate dans la mer Egée : tradition et archéologie.” REA 95/3-4:365–381.
———. 1994. Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean . Cambridge.
Pottier, E. and A. Hauvette-Besnault 1880. “Inscriptions d’Érythrées et de Téos. II. Téos.” BCH 4:164–182.
Pugliese Carratelli, G. 1961. “Iscrizioni cirenaiche.” QAL 4:3–54.
SECir : Oliverio, G., Pugliese-Carratelli, G. and D. Morelli 1961-1962. “Supplemento Epigrafico Cirenaico, Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente.” ASAA 39–40 (n.s. 23–24):219–375
Waites, M.C. 1919. “The Meaning of the ‘Dokana’.” AJA 23:1–18.
Footnotes
[ back ] 1. Upcoming volumes include works on Thessaly (B. Helly), Lesbos (R. Hodot), Cyrene (C. Dobias-Lalou), Laconia (A. Striano), and Boeotia (G. Vottéro).
[ back ] 2. Of these minor islands, only four entries contain inscriptions written in the local alphabets, because most of the inscriptions of these islands date from the hellenistic period.
[ back ] 3. See Malkin 1993:370-371, with references, and, more recently, Domínguez Casado 2014:265.
[ back ] 4. Spelled <Ξ>εύς. For the use of <Ξ> instead of <Ζ> in the archaic Theran alphabet, see Domínguez Casado 2014:92.
[ back ] 5. Although Jeffery 1990:323 n° 1 dates our inscriptions alongside those using <H> for /εː/ and <ʘ> for /ɔː/, she takes care to suggest the possibility of establishing a relative chronology among the inscriptions, even though she does not pursue this exploration further.
[ back ] 6. The sole exception is IG XII 3, 350, located further east than the others but still within the structure, where the name of Zeus (still spelled ΞΕΥΣ) is followed below by the name ϘʘΡΗΣ, written as ϘΟΡΕΣ in our examples (cf. supra). This stone is unique in having been reused at least twice, as it also bears the personal name Εὐέλθων and likely the adjective [ἀγ]αθός.
[ back ] 7. Cf. e.g. IG XII 3, 536 ἘνπεδοκλΗς (= Ἐμπεδοκλῆς), Ἀπολ(λ)ʘ (= Ἀπόλλω).
[ back ] 8. Among them, e.g. IG XII 3, 372 (Ἀπόλλωνος Μαλεάτα) or ib . 376 (Στοιχαίō).
[ back ] 9. Hiller 1899:149 (suggestion of O. Kern).
[ back ] 11. Pottier and Hauvette-Besnault 1880:168.
[ back ] 12. This includes the mother of Battos, the founder of Cyrene, who was born in Oaxos, in Crete (cf. Herodotus 4.154). Additionally, consider the telling anthroponyms such as Κρησίλας (IG XII 3, 539), derived from Κρήσιος (“Cretan”; contra Dobias-Lalou 1995/6:264, who links it to the verb κορέννυμι). Similarly, names ending in -κάρτης and -σταρτος (standard Doric -κράτης, -σταρτος) appearing in significant inscriptions from the island (cf. e.g. our n° 17) likely originate in Crete, as common nouns like κάρτος are attested only in Crete, while in Thera evidence is limited to anthroponyms (for Theran data, see Bechtel 1923:533-534 and Domínguez Casado 2014:118-121; for Cretan data, see Bechtel 1923:710-711).
[ back ] 13. In fact, the alphabet was adopted in Thera before the arrival of the Laconians, as the earliest examples in Laconia date to the late 7th to early 6th century BCE (catalogue in Jeffery 1990:198-202).
[ back ] 14. Cf. IG XII 3 Suppl ., 1313. It was Inglese 2008:215 who realized that the drawing below the name was a boat.
[ back ] 15. The temple of Apollo Karneios was built later than the structure to its north, along with a terrace, likely for the celebration of community festivals, particularly the Karneia; see fig. 2. Other Apollo-related inscriptions are also found nearby: a Hellenistic dedication to Apollo Maleatas south of the temple and the structure (cf. supra fn. 8), and, notably, an archaic erotic graffito further east, invoking Apollo Delphinios (IG XII 3, 537, included in our number ÉGÉE.04), which again points to the island of Crete ; see Graf 1979:20.
[ back ] 16. Furthermore, the use of the form Ἀπόλλων, rather than Ἀπέλλων, strongly suggests a Laconian origin, given the fact that in Laconia, both Ἀπόλλων and Ἀπέλλων are attested (Domínguez Casado 2014:281 and 283), but Crete exclusively uses Ἀπέλλων (Bechtel 1923:727 and Bile 1988:193 and fn. 166).
[ back ] 17. IG XII 3, 350. For the dokanon symbol, see the comprehensive study by Waites 1919.
[ back ] 18. The Minyans were driven out of Lemnos by the Pelasgians and prompted to settle in the Taigetos region, the ancestral homeland associated with Taenarus and Tyndareus (as noted in Herodotus 4.145). Initially, they coexisted peacefully with the Laconians, but tensions arose when the Minyans sought greater privileges, including access to the throne, which the Lacedaemonians were unwilling to grant. Escalating conflicts led the Spartans to resolve to exterminate the Minyans. Theras, however, proposed an alternative, leading a portion of the Minyan tribe on his colonizing expedition to Thera. Another group of Minyans migrated to Triphylia, seeking new opportunities in a different region; see Domínguez Casado 2014:24.
[ back ] 20. Other deities in the sanctuary remain enigmatic and warrant further exploration. Among them, we can mention Λοκ(h)αία Δαμία (IG XII 3, 361), associated with fertility and the health of offspring (Inglese 2008:165-168), and Βορεαῖος (IG XII 3, 357), linked to the north wind that cools the summer climate and propels ships southward. Additionally, the enigmatic ΔΕϘΤΕΡΟΣ, corrected to Δε<ύ>τερος by Hiller (IG XII 3, 358 and Suppl . p. 86), may be related to the Cretan Daktyloi (other possibilities are discussed in Inglese 2008:155-156).
[ back ] 22. Cf. for the evidence Dobias-Lalou 2000:227 (whence SEG 50:1637) and SECir 232, both from the Hellenistic period.
[ back ] 23. See for the Theran evidence Inglese 2008:182-185 (Erinyes), 137 and 200 (Zeus Meilichios), 25 and 30 (Nymphs).
[ back ] 24. The Eumenids, Zeus Meilichios and the Koures are attested together in a shared rock-cut altar outside of the city; see Pugliese Carratelli 1961:29 n° 9.4 fig. 18.
